Wednesday, October 14, 2015

From Yokosuka rape to U.S. court victory, ‘Jane’ commits her 12-year ordeal to print

From Yokosuka rape to U.S. court victory, ‘Jane’ commits her 12-year ordeal to print
The Japan Times: 14 July 2014

Catherine Fisher was once just another foreign resident of Tokyo, living out her life in a middle-class neighborhood with her children. But in April 2002, the Australian native made the fateful decision to arrange a meeting with her boyfriend, Jerry, near the U.S. military base in Yokosuka, Kanagawa Prefecture.

The story of what happened next is now well known, thanks to Fisher’s rare and courageous decision to go public, first as simply “Jane” — her middle name — and later using her full name. In the back of her van, in a Yokosuka car park, U.S. serviceman Bloke Deans raped Fisher, leaving her shocked and bleeding. She managed to make her way to the local police station, where what she calls her second violation began.

Instead of taking her to hospital, the policemen forced her to look for the man who had just raped her. They took her back to the car park to “reenact” the rape and assault for a police photographer, apparently forgetting, she says, that the victim’s body is the most crucial part of the crime scene.
“It was so scandalously absurd,” she writes of the 12-hour post-rape ordeal in her new book, “I am Catherine Jane: The True Story of One Woman’s Quest for Justice.” Unable to hold on to her urine, she eventually flushed the evidence down the toilet. “These policemen were controlling me just like the man who had just raped me,” she remembers.

The book opens with the force of a punch to the gut by describing the assault and aftermath in graphic detail. Her attacker, she recalls, “grunted like a pig” as he mounted her. Later, wrapped in a blanket, she watched in horror as the policemen went through the formal procedures of assaults, measuring the car park with tape measures and asking her to point to where she was raped.

“I truly wished I were dead,” she writes, as her rage and frustration grew at the thought that all real physical evidence in the assault was ebbing away, “drip, drip, drip, as the camera went click, click, click.” She says she could feel the police branding her while they worked: “Lowlife. Trash. Slut. Whore.”

Twelve years later, Fisher still hurts from her treatment by the authorities.

“I was thinking, ‘How could this be happening in Japan?’ It was so hard to get through just one day, every day,” she told The Japan Times. The way she coped, she says, was by chain-smoking and drinking. “But I never took medication. It makes suicide more likely. And if you have it in your house, you can overdose on it.”

Deans was allowed to return to the U.S. and was honorably discharged, for reasons that remain murky. Fisher won a civil suit against him in a Tokyo court in 2004 but the ruling had no jurisdictional authority in the U.S. Last year, after tracking Deans in America for several years, Fisher finally persuaded a circuit court in the U.S. to enforce that judgment for rape against him.

Fisher’s insistence that the U.S. military had helped Deans evade justice and that the Japanese government did little to help her pursue him was strengthened in the Milwaukee County Circuit Court by a statement submitted by Deans in which he claims a U.S. Navy lawyer told him to leave the country. The U.S. court’s decision was a victory for Fisher, but one that left her physically, mentally and financially exhausted, she says.
“I had many nervous breakdowns,” she recalls. “I was completely suicidal. The way the police treated me, that should never have happened. I could have returned to Australia and closed my eyes, but somebody had to stand up.”

Fisher’s battle has made her a public figure of sorts in Japan, though she expresses surprise that the local media has rarely interviewed her. She says “dozens” of raped woman have got in touch to tell their stories.

“If they contact me, they have nowhere to go,” she says. “They always say, ‘Why did the police treat me like a criminal?’ ”

One woman even sent Fisher a series of mails claiming she too had been raped by Deans.
The messages, reprinted in her book, said Deans put guns to her head and told her she was his “property.”

“He raped me with the barrel of a shotgun and threatened to pull the trigger,” the woman wrote. “He will never go to jail for abusing me because I kept my mouth shut and made excuses, but at least hopefully the children that he has neglected and abused will find justice and you will too.”

Fisher is unclear, however, if much has changed since her ordeal, although several high-profile cases suggest Japanese courts are now more likely to convict American servicemen. Naha District Court, for example, sentenced two sailors to 10 years last year for raping a Japanese woman in October 2012.

But in a survey released this year, the Associated Press found a “pattern of random and inconsistent judgments” in more than 1,000 reports of sex crimes involving Japan-based U.S. military personnel between 2005 and early 2013. AP said that in some cases, commanders “overruled recommendations to court-martial and dropped the charges instead.”

Fisher says she still hears of cases where rape victims are refused treatment in police stations when they report the crime. She is still campaigning for 24-hour rape crisis centers, and for making rape kits mandatory in police stations and hospitals.

“There is a place to go if there is an earache or a backache, so why isn’t there a place to go to if you get raped?” she says. “It is because of the stigma attached to rape.”

But she says Japan now tries to involve the victims of crimes by U.S. military personnel in their investigations, rather than ignoring them — as she insists happened to her.

“I think U.S. military crimes are getting a bit more publicity now,” she says.
As for Fisher’s personal scars, the impact of her ordeal rippled out to damage those around her, including her Japanese ex-husband, who quietly listened to her story and then tried to kill himself.
“I realized that I had been so caught up in my own problems that I did not see how depressed he was,” she writes.

Her mother fell ill, and Fisher’s relationship with Jerry, her long-term partner, also collapsed under the pressure of her fight. Her three children had to watch their mother unravel over several years.
“I was in court every month. That’s 10 years of court cases,” she says. “I saw my family falling like dominoes around me.”

“By the time I finished the book I was ready to collapse. I had to go on a drip — I was iron-deficient. The impact affects every single person when someone is raped. We were evicted three times. I thought I couldn’t continue. Then I read this guy was raping a woman with his pistols, and I said, ‘I can’t give up now.’ ”

So the fight goes on, she says. In her quest to find out why her attacker was allowed to leave Japan and discharged in the middle of a rape case, she says she recently met the director of public affairs for the U.S. military in Japan. After some verbal jousting, she says the director “very nonchalantly” told her, “We believe that we have no gain in talking to you.”

The statement gives the lie, she says, to the U.S. military’s claims of zero tolerance of rape.
“The stories pouring in from around the world contradict this,” she writes. “Sweeping them under the carpet will never make them go away. It all begins to change when people admit that there is a grave problem at hand. I won’t give up.”

She says the book is part of her effort to “stamp out the crime called rape.”

“It’s a journey of my transformation,” she says. “I hope it will have an impact on other people and that people will read it and it will awaken something in them. It’s not easy to put my entire life out there for people to see. But I do hope, with this book, that things will change. The whole world can see this is what is going on, and we can no longer just hide the fact that these crimes are happening.”
“As for me, I’m just lucky that I came out of this alive.”

Tuesday, October 13, 2015

Japan threatens to halt Unesco funding over Nanjing massacre listing

Japan threatens to halt Unesco funding over Nanjing massacre listing
The Guardian: 13 October 2015

"My deceased benefactor, who was a soldier deployed to Nanjing when he was young, once told me with regret and shame "I shot many chinese (civilians) by machine gun on the order of senior officer." He was crying and said "Most regrettable moment in my life". Some people say the number of victims was 300,000. while others say 30,000. But it is not a matter of number. Even if it is 3,000 or 300, genocide is genocide, truth is truth, fault is fault, nothing else! It should not be repeated any more! " (a voice of a Japanese citizen through internet)
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Earlier, US and Japan were 2 biggest contributors for funding UNESCO. US stopped funding after Palestinian membership. Now Japanese government started to say this. Though Japanese government complains that China is using UNESCO as political tool, Japanese government's reaction is obviously applying the manner they complained.


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Japan has threatened to withdraw its funding for Unesco after the UN body included disputed Chinese documents about the Nanjing massacre in its Memory of the World list, despite protests from Tokyo.  The row is one of several disagreements over wartime history that have soured ties between Japan and China, which are also locked in a dispute over ownership of the Senkaku islands.

Japan’s chief cabinet secretary, Yoshihide Suga, said the decision to register the documents reflected a biased Chinese view of history. “There is a big discrepancy of views between Japan and China, and the decision reflecting a unilateral view turns the issue into a political problem,” he told reporters.
“We are considering all measures, including suspension of our funding contributions” to Unesco, he said. Suga added: “The decision-making process lacked transparency. We were not even allowed access to the contents of the Chinese documents.” Japan contributed 3.72bn yen (£20m) to Unesco last year, about 10% of Unesco’s budget. It was the first UN body Japan joined, in 1951, as it sought to contribute to the international community after its wartime defeat and occupation.
Unesco’s director-general, Irina Bokova, approved the Nanjing inscription in Abu Dhabi last Friday, after receiving recommendations from a 14-member panel of archivists and librarians.
Japan’s foreign ministry said it was “extremely regrettable that a global organisation that should be neutral and fair entered the documents in the Memory of the World register, despite the repeated pleas made by the Japanese government”.
 
Unesco, however, rejected a Chinese request that photos and other documents relating to Japan’s use of wartime sex slaves be included on the list. The Nanjing documents relate to Japan’s bloody invasion of the south-eastern Chinese city in late 1937, during which troops murdered and raped tens of thousands of people. Chinese historians claim that Japanese imperial army troops killed more than 300,000 soldiers and civilians in a six-week rampage, but Japanese historians insist the number was between the tens of thousands and 200,000.

Japan’s official position is that “the killing of a large number of noncombatants, looting and other acts occurred”, but that “it is difficult to determine” the number of victims. Officials in Tokyo called Unesco’s neutrality into question and accused Beijing of using the international cultural arena to promote its political agenda. The documents submitted by China include court records from the international military tribunal for the far east, which found several Japanese leaders guilty of war crimes, as well as photographs claiming to show the slaughter of people in Nanjing and film footage taken by an American missionary.

Japan, however, has questioned the authenticity of the documents, adding that its offers to cooperate with Chinese experts to establish their veracity had been rejected by Beijing. Japan’s foreign ministry said the nomination “raises questions about the action of the international organisation that ought to be neutral and fair”, adding that “it is evident that there is a problem about the veracity” of the archives.

Hua Chunying, a Chinese foreign ministry spokeswoman, dismissed Japanese protests, describing the Nanjing massacre as a “severe crime” and “a historical fact acknowledged by international society”.
Hua said in a statement: “The facts are not to be denied. History is not to be falsified. What the Japanese side has said and done once again revealed its reluctance to face history squarely, which is wrong.”

Newspapers in Japan were united in their condemnation of Unesco’s decision. “We cannot accept China’s stance of using a system for protecting cultural assets for political purposes in a campaign against Japan, and trying to fix its self-righteous historical perception in the international community,” the conservative Yomiuri Shimbun said in an editorial.

The liberal Asahi Shimbun noted that some Chinese historians questioned Beijing’s claim that the death toll ran to more than 300,000. “There are few clues that could substantiate that death toll, which many historians in China doubt,” the newspaper said. “But there is no air of freedom that allows them to discuss the matter openly.”

Unesco accepted two Japanese nominations: memoirs and drawings by former Japanese soldiers who were held in Siberian labour camps, and thousands of documents stretching back to the eighth century that belong to a Buddhist temple. Since its launch in the 1990s, the Memory of the World programme has registered dozens of submissions, including the diaries of Anne Frank and an annotated copy of Karl Marx’s Das Kapital.

http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/oct/13/japan-threatens-to-halt-unesco-funding-over-nanjing-listing?CMP=share_btn_fb

Saturday, October 10, 2015

C.I.A. Spent Millions to Support Japanese Right in 50's and 60's

C.I.A. Spent Millions to Support Japanese Right in 50's and 60's
New York Times: 9 October 1994

WASHINGTON, Oct. 8— In a major covert operation of the cold war, the Central Intelligence Agency spent millions of dollars to support the conservative party that dominated Japan's politics for a generation.
      
The C.I.A. gave money to the Liberal Democratic Party and its members in the 1950's and the 1960's, to gather intelligence on Japan, make the country a bulwark against Communism in Asia and undermine the Japanese left, said retired intelligence officials and former diplomats. Since then, the C.I.A. has dropped its covert financial aid and focused instead on gathering inside information on Japan's party politics and positions in trade and treaty talks, retired intelligence officers said.
      
The Liberal Democrats' 38 years of one-party governance ended last year when they fell from power after a series of corruption cases -- many involving secret cash contributions. Still the largest party in Japan's parliament, they formed an awkward coalition in June with their old cold war enemies, the Socialists -- the party that the C.I.A.'s aid aimed in part to undermine.
      
Though the C.I.A.'s financial role in Japanese politics has long been suspected by historians and journalists, the Liberal Democrats have always denied it existed, and the breadth and depth of the support has never been detailed publicly. Disclosure of the covert aid could open old wounds and harm the Liberal Democrats' credibility as an independent voice for Japanese interests. The subject of spying between allies has always been sensitive.
      
The C.I.A. did not respond to an inquiry. In Tokyo, Katsuya Muraguchi, director of the Liberal Democratic Party's management bureau, said he had never heard of any payments.
      
"This story reveals the intimate role that Americans at official and private levels played in promoting structured corruption and one-party conservative democracy in post-war Japan, and that's new," said John Dower, a leading Japan scholar at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "We look at the L.D.P. and say it's corrupt and it's unfortunate to have a one-party democracy. But we have played a role in creating that misshapen structure."
      
Bits and pieces of the story are revealed in United States Government records slowly being declassified. A State Department document in the National Archives describes a secret meeting in a Tokyo hotel at which Eisaku Sato, a former Prime Minister of Japan, sought under-the-table contributions from the United States for the 1958 parliamentary election. A newly declassified C.I.A. history also discusses covert support sent that year.
      
But the full story remains hidden. It was pieced together through interviews with surviving participants, many well past 80 years old, and Government officials who described still-classified State Department documents explicitly confirming the Kennedy Administration's secret aid to the Liberal Democrats in the early 1960's.
      
The law requires the Government to publish, after 30 years, "all records needed to provide a comprehensive documentation of major foreign policy decisions and actions." Some State Department and C.I.A. officials say the Kennedy-era documents should stay secret forever, for fear they might disrupt Japan's coalition government or embarrass the United States. Other State Department officials say the law demands that the documents be unsealed. A Secret Operation That Succeeded
      
The C.I.A.'s help for Japanese conservatives resembled other cold war operations, like secret support for Italy's Christian Democrats. But it remained secret -- in part, because it succeeded. The Liberal Democrats thwarted their Socialist opponents, maintained their one-party rule, forged close ties with Washington and fought off public opposition to the United States' maintaining military bases throughout Japan.
      
One retired C.I.A. official involved in the payments said, "That is the heart of darkness and I'm not comfortable talking about it, because it worked." Others confirmed the covert support.
"We financed them," said Alfred C. Ulmer Jr., who ran the C.I.A.'s Far East operations from 1955 to 1958. "We depended on the L.D.P. for information." He said the C.I.A. had used the payments both to support the party and to recruit informers within it from its earliest days.
      
By the early 1960's, the payments to the party and its politicians were "so established and so routine" that they were a fundamental, if highly secret, part of American foreign policy toward Japan, said Roger Hilsman, head of the State Department's intelligence bureau in the Kennedy Administration.
"The principle was certainly acceptable to me," said U. Alexis Johnson, United States Ambassador to Japan from 1966 to 1969. "We were financing a party on our side." He said the payments continued after he left Japan in 1969 to become a senior State Department official.
      
The C.I.A. supported the party and established relations with many promising young men in the Japanese Government in the 1950's and 1960's. Some are today among the elder statesmen of Japanese politics.
      
Masaru Gotoda, a respected Liberal Democratic Party leader who entered parliament in the 1970's and who recently served as Justice Minister, acknowledged these contacts
 
"I had a deep relationship with the C.I.A.," he said in an interview, referring to his years as a senior official in intelligence activities in the 1950's and 1960's. "I went to their headquarters. But there was nobody in an authentic Government organization who received financial aid." He would not be more explicit.
      
"Those C.I.A. people who were stationed in the embassy with legitimate status were fine," he said. "But there were also covert people. We did not really know all the activities they were conducting. Because they were from a friendly nation, we did not investigate deeply." Recruitment Was 'Sophisticated'
      
The recruitment of Japanese conservatives in the 1950's and 1960's was "a pretty sophisticated business," said one C.I.A. officer. "Quite a number of our officers were in touch with the L.D.P. This was done on a seat-by-seat basis" in the Japanese parliament. A second C.I.A. officer said the agency's contacts had included members of the Japanese cabinet.
      
As the C.I.A. supported the Liberal Democrats, it undermined their opponents. It infiltrated the Japan Socialist Party, which it suspected was receiving secret financial support from Moscow, and placed agents in youth groups, student groups and labor groups, former C.I.A. officers said.
      
Obstructing the Japanese opposition "was the most important thing we could do," one said.
The covert aid apparently ended in the early 1970's, when growing frictions over trade began to strain relations between the United States and Japan, and the growing wealth of Japan made the agency question the point of supporting politicians.
      
"By that time, they were self-financing," a former senior intelligence official said. But the agency used its longstanding relationships to establish a more traditional espionage operation in Japan.
"We had penetrations of all the cabinet agencies," said a C.I.A. officer based in Tokyo in the late 1970's and early 1980's. He said the agency also recruited a close aide to a prime minister and had such good contacts in the agriculture ministry that it knew beforehand what Japan would say in trade talks. "We knew the fallback positions" in talks over beef and citrus imports, he said. "We knew when the Japanese delegation would walk out."
      
Useful though it may have been, the inside information rarely gave American trade negotiators the upper hand with the Japanese. 'The Reverse Course' Of American Policy
      
The support for the Liberal Democrats had its origins in what some historians call "the reverse course" of American policy toward Japan after World War II.
      
From 1945 to 1948, the American forces who occupied Japan purged the Government of the right-wing militarists who had led Japan into war. But by 1949, things had changed. China went Communist. The Soviet Union exploded its first atomic bomb. Washington was fighting Communism, not ferreting out rightists.
      
The American occupation forces freed accused war criminals like Nobusuke Kishi, later Japan's Prime Minister. Some of the rehabilitated politicians had close contacts with organized crime groups, known as yakuza. So did Yoshio Kodama, a political fixer and later a major C.I.A. contact in Japan who worked behind the scenes to finance the conservatives.   
    
These politicians also drew support from a group of retired diplomats, businessmen and veterans of the Office of Strategic Services, the World War II precursor of the C.I.A. The group's leader was Eugene Dooman, an old Japan hand who quit the State Department in 1945 to promote "the reverse course."
      
During the Korean War, the Dooman group pulled off an audacious covert operation, bankrolled by the C.I.A.
      
Japanese conservatives needed money. The American military needed tungsten, a scarce strategic metal used for hardening missiles. "Somebody had the idea: Let's kill two birds with one stone," said John Howley, a New York lawyer and O.S.S. veteran who helped arrange the transaction but said he was unaware of the C.I.A.'s role in it.
      
So the Dooman group smuggled tons of tungsten from Japanese military officers' caches into the United States and sold it to the Pentagon for $10 million. The smugglers included Mr. Kodama and Kay Sugahara, a Japanese-American recruited by the O.S.S. from a internment camp in California during World War II.
      
The files of the late Mr. Sugahara -- researched by the late Howard Schonberger, a University of Maine professor writing a book nearly completed when he died in 1991 -- described the operation in detail. They say the C.I.A. provided $2.8 million in financing for the tungsten operation, which reaped more than $2 million in profits for the Dooman group.
      
The group pumped the proceeds into the campaigns of conservatives during Japan's first post-occupation elections in 1953, Mr. Howley said in an interview. "We had learned in O.S.S., to accomplish a purpose, you had to put the right money in the right hands."
      
By 1953, with the American occupation over and the reverse course well under way, the C.I.A. began working with warring conservative factions in Japan. In 1955, these factions merged to form the Liberal Democratic Party.
      
The fact that money was available from the United States soon was known at the highest levels of the Japanese Government.
 
On July 29, 1958, Douglas MacArthur 2d, the general's nephew, who was then United States Ambassador in Tokyo, wrote to the State Department that Eisaku Sato, the Finance Minister, had asked the United States Embassy for money. Mr. Sato was Prime Minister of Japan from 1964 to 1972 and received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1974.
      
Ambassador MacArthur wrote that such requests from the Government of Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi were nothing new. "Eisaku Sato, Kishi's brother, has tried to put the bite on us for financial help in fighting Communism," his letter said. "This did not come as a surprise to us, since he suggested the same general idea last year."
      
Mr. Sato was worried, an accompanying memo explained, because a secret slush fund established by Japanese companies to aid the L.D.P. was drained.
      
"Mr. Sato asked if it would not be possible for the United States to supply financial funds to aid the conservative forces in this constant struggle against Communism," the memo said. While it is unclear whether Mr. Sato's request was granted directly, a decision to finance the 1958 election campaign was discussed and approved by senior national security officials, according to recently declassified C.I.A. documents and former intelligence officers.
      
In an interview, Mr. MacArthur said the Socialists in Japan had their own secret funds from Moscow, a charge the left denied.
      
"The Socialist Party in Japan was a direct satellite of Moscow" in those years, he said. "If Japan went Communist it was difficult to see how the rest of Asia would not follow suit. Japan assumed an importance of extraordinary magnitude because there was no other place in Asia from which to project American power." A Close Call In 1976
      
In 1976, the secret payments were almost uncovered.
      
A United States Senate subcommittee discovered that Lockheed Corp., seeking lucrative aircraft contracts, had paid $12 million in bribes to Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka and the Liberal Democrats. The conduit was Mr. Kodama -- political fixer, tungsten smuggler and C.I.A. contact.
Then a retired C.I.A. officer living in Hawaii phoned in a startling tip.
      
"It's much, much deeper than just Lockheed," Jerome Levinson, the panel's staff director, recalls the C.I.A. man saying. "If you really want to understand Japan, you have to go back to the formation of the L.D.P. and our involvement in it."
      
Mr. Levinson said in an interview that his superiors rejected his request to pursue the matter.
"This was one of the most profound secrets of our foreign policy," he said. "This was the one aspect of our investigation that was put on hold. We got to Japan, and it really all just shut down."
Photos: Douglas MacArthur 2d, left (Karin Anderson for The New York Times), at his home during an interview on Thursday. He wrote the above letter to the State Department in 1958 when he was Ambassador to Japan. The letter discusses the request of Eisako Sato, Japan's Finance Minister, right (Pictorial Parade, 1971), for money from the United States Embassy. An accompanying memo explained that Mr. Sato was worried because a secret fund, established by Japanese companies to help the conservative party, was drained. (pg. 14)

Wednesday, October 7, 2015

New report links thyroid cancer rise to Fukushima nuclear crisis

New report links thyroid cancer rise to Fukushima nuclear crisis
The Japan Times: 7 October 2015

Thyroid cancer in local children and adolescents following the Fukushima nuclear disaster was probably caused by radiation released in the accident, four researchers said Tuesday in a report.

Annual thyroid cancer incidence rates in Fukushima Prefecture from March 2011 through late last year were 20 to 50 times the national level, said a team led by Toshihide Tsuda, professor of environmental epi...demiology at Okayama University. The findings were published in the electronic edition of the journal of the International Society for Environmental Epidemiology.

The finding, based on screenings of around 370,000 Fukushima residents aged 18 or younger at the time of the accident, “is unlikely to be explained by a screening surge,” the researchers said, pointing to radiation exposure as a factor behind the rise in thyroid cancer cases.

But their conclusion is refuted by other epidemiology experts, including Shoichiro Tsugane of the National Cancer Center, who said the results are premature.

“Unless radiation exposure data are checked, any specific relationship between a cancer incidence and radiation cannot be identified,” said Tsugane, director of the Research Center for Cancer Prevention and Screening. He said there is a global trend of over-diagnosis of thyroid cancer.

As of late August, the Fukushima Prefecture Government identified 104 thyroid cancer cases in the prefecture.
 
But the prefectural government and many experts have doubted whether these cases are related to the nuclear disaster, as the amount of radioactive iodine released during the crisis was smaller than that following the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear accident.
 
 

Wednesday, September 23, 2015

Right side up

Right side up:  A powerful if little-reported group claims it can restore the pre-war order
The Economist: 16 June 2015

80 percent of Japanese Cabinet ministers belong to “Nippon Kaigi” or “Shinto Association”, a nationalistic right wing party which aims to restore pre-war Japan value. This is why some Japanese are so cautious about Abe government. Issue on Pacifist constitution vs new security bill is not merely a matter of  “change of security environment.”
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IT IS only 18 years old, and its name is innocuous—Nippon Kaigi simply means “Japan Conference”. Yet as one of Japan’s most powerful lobby groups it has a shopping list of nationalist, indeed blatantly revisionist, causes: applaud Japan’s wartime “liberation” of East Asia from Western colonialism; rebuild the armed forces; inculcate patriotism among students brainwashed by left-wing teachers; and revere the emperor as he was worshipped in the good old days before the war. Far from crediting America’s post-war occupation for bringing democracy, Nippon Kaigi’s supporters say that the occupation, and the liberal constitution that sprang from it, has emasculated Japan. Oddly, the group receives little attention from the media in Japan, despite its strong and growing influence at the heart of government.
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Nippon Kaigi has backroom clout, with over 280 local chapters, 38,000 fee-paying members and a network that reaches deep into the political establishment. A former chief justice was its last chairman. About a third of the Diet (parliament) are members of the group’s parliamentary league, as are over half of the 19-strong cabinet of Shinzo Abe, the prime minister. Mr Abe is the group’s “special adviser”.
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Its firepower is dedicated to making Japan a “normal country”, says Yoshiko Sakurai, a leading supporter. Education must water down imported notions of Western rights and stress duties to the state and the emperor. The group says that the nation should rearm, stoutly defend disputed territories against China and scrap the constitution of 1946 which renounces war as a means for settling disputes. It says its aim is to reflect Japan’s “true, original characteristics”.
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Nippon Kaigi has a formidable ability to mobilise. A decade ago it collected 3.6m signatures demanding reforms to the education law making it compulsory to teach children patriotism. Enacting a law with this requirement was one of the few things that Mr Abe accomplished in his first, inglorious term as prime minister from 2006 to 2007. Its members have consistently campaigned against anything that shows Japan’s wartime aggression in a bad light—bombarding exhibitions on war crimes, for example, with petitions and phone calls.
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Most of the group’s current energies are aimed at getting signatories—10m is the target—calling for a national referendum on revising the constitution. It wants the removal of the pacifist section, Article 9, and supposedly traditional family values to be enshrined in it. A draft of a new constitution drawn up by the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in 2012 reflects much of Nippon Kaigi’s agenda. Ms Sakurai is one of the campaign’s figureheads. This is a recognition by Nippon Kaigi, says Tomomi Yamaguchi at Montana State University, that changing the attitudes of women, many of whom admire Japan’s long-standing pacifism, will be crucial.
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Nippon Kaigi gives nationalists in China and South Korea an excuse to claim that Japanese militarism is on the rise again. It wants Mr Abe to continue to visit Tokyo’s Yasukuni shrine, which deifies Japan’s war dead, including those who led the nation to war in 1931-45 with disastrous consequences not just for Asia but for Japan itself. (By the way, common citizen victims of Hiroshima, Nagasaki, Tokyo air bombing do not belong to Yasukumi. It only worships spirits of military people including war criminals.) It also rejects what its supporters call Japan’s apology diplomacy. Nippon Kaigi is lobbying for Japan’s admissions of war guilt to be reversed this year, the 70th anniversary of the country’s surrender.
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A closely allied group is the Shinto Association of Spiritual Leadership. From the late 19th century Shinto, Japan’s oldest religion, was reinvented as a tool of state, serving as an ideology that helped mobilise Japanese to fight wars in the emperor’s name. In 2007 lobbying by the association and Nippon Kaigi helped to persuade the government to make April 29th a national holiday in honour of Hirohito, the emperor of Japan during the war.
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Even opponents are impressed at how reactionaries have quietly transformed the landscape of Japanese politics. Nippon Kaigi members, however, are frustrated over what they see as the slow pace of change. One of their aims in future is to help Japan find support for their causes from abroad and “build friendship with other nations”. It is possible they may achieve the opposite.
 

Thursday, September 17, 2015

Japan’s Expanding Military Role Could Be Good News for the Pentagon and Its Contractors

Japan’s Expanding Military Role Could Be Good News for the Pentagon and Its Contractors
Foreign Policy: 16 July 2015

Japan, a country that swore off offensive warfare after World War II, took its first step down a very different path Thursday by passing legislation giving its military the power to engage in combat overseas. That’s something the Pentagon has wanted for years, and it could be very good news for U.S. defense contractors.

In January, the government of conservative Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe endorsed a defense budget of nearly 5 trillion yen, or $42 billion, continuing a three-year growth trend after nearly a decade of decline. The sum still represents a small portion of Japan’s GDP — it accounts for just one percent of it, according to the World Bank — but because offensive military action is prohibited by Japan’s constitution, even a modest increase is controversial. Protesters rallied against the shift outside parliament Wednesday, the night before 11 controversial security-related bills were pushed through that will give Japan’s military the power to engage in more than just defensive actions.

This year’s defense budget is part of a larger push to improve Japan’s military capabilities. Abe has promised to spend 24.7 trillion yen, or $240 billion, between 2014 and 2019 on new warplanes, naval vessels, and drones, including American-made F-22s, F-35s, and Global Hawk drones. He’s also formed an advisory board, modeled after the U.S. National Security Council, to advise him on security matters.

The United States and Japan have been allies since shortly after World War II. In April, as Abe visited Washington, officials from both countries vowed to strengthen those ties.
“What should we call this, if not a miracle of history? Enemies that had fought each other so fiercely have become friends bonded in spirit,” Abe told U.S. lawmakers during a joint session of Congress.

During the same visit, the United States and Japan unveiled a new agreement, the Joint Defense Guidelines, which will allow greater military cooperation between the countries. As part of the deal, Japan agreed to shoot down missiles heading toward U.S. territory, even if Japan itself isn’t under attack. U.S. and Japanese military staffs can now work more closely.

When the partnership was announced, Secretary of State John Kerry and Defense Secretary Ash Carter and their Japanese counterparts, Foreign Affairs Minister Fumio Kishida and Minister of Defense Gen Nakatani, released a joint statement saying the new guidelines showcase “the ironclad U.S. commitment to the defense of Japan, through the full range of U.S. military capabilities, including nuclear and conventional.”

There’s a very specific reason that Tokyo and United States, which is currently attempting to reallocate more military resources to the region, are increasing their military cooperation: China. Tokyo is engaged in a tense standoff with Beijing over the contested Senkaku islands in the East China Sea. China, which calls them the Diaoyu, has also been building a series of concrete runways capable of handling military planes in the South China Sea’s contested waters. The two nations have been engaged in an increasingly sharp-edged war of words, and Beijing reacted harshly to this week’s vote.

“We solemnly urge the Japanese side to draw hard lessons from history, stick to the path of peaceful development, respect the major security concerns of its Asian neighbors, and refrain from jeopardizing China’s sovereignty and security interests or crippling regional peace and stability,” Hua Chunying, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman, said in a statement after the lower house approved the measures Thursday.

For the moment, the idea of Japan jeopardizing China’s sovereignty anytime soon is a bit laughable. Reports indicate that Beijing’s 2015 defense budget increased 10 percent to around $145 billion, second only to the United States.

But $240 billion can buy Tokyo a lot of new equipment, which could be good for American defense contractors. F-35s are made by Lockheed Martin, based in Texas, and the Marine vehicles are manufactured by BAE Systems, based in Northern Virginia.

Tokyo also plans to buy U.S.-based Northrop Grumman’s Global Hawk drones. It’s also developing two Aegis radar-equipped destroyers and missile defense system with Washington. Those are made by Lockheed.

Japan’s embassy in Washington did not respond to a request for comment on Thursday’s vote.
The rise of China’s military, and the perceived decline of the Pentagon’s, is a key talking point cited by Abe’s allies pushing for the change. Last year, Yosuke Isozaki, a security advisor to Abe, said the United States “can no longer afford to play the world’s policeman.”

“This is no longer an era when Japan is permitted to do nothing and count on America to protect us. It’s become extremely important we do our own share alongside the U.S.,” he said.
 
 
Please also refer to:
 
Is the US Army Near a Breaking Point?
 
 
 

Is the US Army Near a Breaking Point?

Is the US Army Near a Breaking Point?
The Diplomat: 16 September 2015

Joining a chorus of senior Pentagon officials and military officers, acting Undersecretary for Personnel and Readiness Brad Carson warned in an interview with Stars and Stripes that the U.S. Army – the world’s deadliest conventional fighting force – will be near breaking point if automatic sequestration, set to begin in October, takes place.

The U.S. Army could be cut down from 450,000 to 420,000 active duty soldiers should sequestration – automatic spending cuts across the board in order to reduce federal expenditure – continue with the result that the army would not be able to meet its current deployments.

“The Army’s near breaking point if you go that low, I think. Already we see the fact that people are demanding the Army do many missions — from West Africa and the Ebola crisis to now resurgent problems in Iraq, Syria. Russia of course posing a threat,” Carson said. “So the demand on the Army is not slackening at all, and at the same time, their numbers are falling.”

Less manpower available, means more soldiers deploying more often, which in turn affects the readiness of the U.S. Army, Carson notes:
 This has a real cost, a real cost to their readiness, because when they’re out in the field, they’re not training. Across all the services — the Marine Corps the same — the personnel cuts have been deep. And if they go much deeper, they will become a matter of grave worry to us all.
The U.S. Army currently fields the smallest force since the beginning of World War II. In July 2015, a document obtained by USA Today outlines that the Pentagon plans to cut another 40,000 soldiers and 17,000 Army civilian employees by the end of September 2018 with reductions bottoming out at around 450,000 active duty soldiers by then.

Former U.S. Army Chief of Staff, general Ray Odierno, voiced his grave concern over troop reductions back in July noting that the U.S. military can no longer deter conflict due to the shrinking number of soldiers: “The reason we have a military is to deter conflict and prevent wars. And if people believe we are not big enough to respond, they miscalculate.”

A February 2015 report by the Heritage Foundation indexing U.S. military strengths reiterates the dangers of fiscal constraint:
The common theme across the services and the United States’ nuclear enterprise is one of force degradation resulting from many years of underinvestment, poor execution of modernization programs, and the negative effects of budget sequestration (i.e., cuts in funding) on readiness and capacity.
The study also notes that the United States will have difficulties fighting two regional wars simultaneously (the so-called Major Regional Contingency strategy) despite maintaining the world’s largest defense budget.

http://thediplomat.com/2015/09/is-the-us-army-near-a-breaking-point/

Please also refer to :
Japan’s Expanding Military Role Could Be Good News for the Pentagon and Its Contractors
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